Here is a disturbing question: Why was there no public outcry when US envoy Steve Witkoff recently visited Russia and declared accused war criminal Vladimir Putin to be a "great humanitarian"?

The reason is that Russia's relentless cognitive war against the West since 2014 is succeeding.

The term "cognitive warfare" sounds complicated, but its premise is straightforward. It is a long-term, persistent effort that leverages social media, messaging apps, and modern technology to alter how people perceive and understand reality.

Rather than relying on physical force or military coercion, it targets human cognition directly. This form of warfare uses disinformation, misinformation, surreptitious actors, and unwitting participants to sow discord. In other words, it weaponizes "fake news", tech-savvy agents, and what Russian intelligence call “useful idiots” to systematically undermine societal trust.

Consider the consequences of this strategy. What happens when lies are no longer questioned? What happens when reality itself is met with skepticism? When distrust becomes so pervasive that falsehoods are accepted as facts, truth is easily dismissed.

By planting deep roots, fake news fundamentally destabilizes the social fabric. This is the essence of cognitive warfare.

Putin's campaign against the West intensified in 2014 following Russia's annexation of Crimea, which prompted economic sanctions from the US and Europe. To counter Western pressure, Moscow designed a sophisticated influence campaign targeting disaffected populations within democratic societies. The goal was to erode faith in democratic institutions and fracture the social contract. The primary weapon was fake news; the delivery mechanism was social media.

While misinformation and propaganda have always existed, the phenomenon of fake news gained traction in the 19th century when the intense competition between newspaper publishers Joseph Pulitzer and William Randolph Hearst saw them use sensationalist headlines and fabricated stories to outsell one another.

The term resurged into the public consciousness during the 2016 US presidential election, characterized by baseless accusations designed to tarnish political opponents.

By 2017, a thorough investigation by the US intelligence community confirmed that Russia had actively intervened in the election, presenting a direct threat to the democratic process.

These tactics, known historically as “active measures,” are deeply rooted in Russian statecraft. Under the Tsarist regime, the secret police—the Okhrana—penetrated dissident groups in exile to neutralize opposition.

Later, the Soviet Cheka, heirs to the Okhrana, created front organizations to entrap émigrés and dissidents worldwide. Soviet disinformation campaigns were remarkably successful, convincing many globally that the USSR was a workers' paradise rather than a repressive police state.

Putin, drawing on his background as a former KGB officer, has masterfully updated these historical tools to entrench his own power and project influence abroad. The KGB is akin to the US's Central Intelligence Agency.

The impact on American politics has been profound. Especially in his his first term, President Trump frequently dismissed the findings of the US intelligence community and the Mueller investigation, often echoing Moscow's rhetoric.

Furthermore, a significant segment of the US electorate has adopted similar viewpoints. Because US foreign policy shapes world politics, Moscow's ability to influence US political discourse has worldwide consequences.

Cognitive warfare does not seek to capture physical territory or natural resources. Because the human mind is the primary battlefield, it fights for control over perceptions, beliefs, and culture. In this arena, victory is not measured in miles of captured terrain, but in societies fractured by internal division.

By this measure, Russia is losing in Ukraine, but is winning in the US. 

To defend against this threat, democratic policymakers must act decisively to regulate emerging technologies and strengthen intelligence collection and analysis. Most importantly, leaders must work to repair and protect the foundational social contract that sustains democratic societies. Without a baseline of public trust, all other defensive measures will remain futile.

Jose E. Mora, PhD, is an Adjunct Professor of Latino Studies at Berea College, and is the former Professor and Chair of Global Affairs at the American University of Phnom Penh in Cambodia. Mora and his wife, Melissa, live in Berea.